On October 16, 2023, Russia restricted entry into its territory for Ukrainian citizens arriving in Russia from other countries. According to the decision of the Russian government, Ukrainian citizens can only pass through two checkpoints – Sheremetyevo Airport (Moscow, Russia) and the Ludonka checkpoint on the border with Latvia. The decision was based on security reasons. However, most likely, it is another manifestation of the policy of forced identification of Ukrainian citizens living in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by the Russian Federation. First and foremost, these changes will impact Ukrainians who have left for third countries, have not obtained Russian passports, and have no other means of visiting their families in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine except by entering through Russia. The restrictions will also significantly affect those parents and guardians who may travel to the territory of the Russian Federation or to the occupied territories of Ukraine in order to return forcibly displaced or deported children. Officially, this group numbers nearly 20,000 children.

After Russia announced its decision to limit the entry of Ukrainian citizens from third countries to two checkpoints, it was reported that the Latvian government would close the only land crossing point designated by Russia (Ludonka border checkpoint). The reason is threats to national security due to increased passenger traffic due to the Russian decision to restrict entry into its territory. On the same date, Latvia also closed the Pededze border checkpoint.

The Embassy of Ukraine in the Republic of Latvia informed Ukrainians about the upcoming restrictions and urged them to refrain from traveling to the Russian Federation. However, they did not provide further guidance for Ukrainians with relatives in occupied areas or those seeking to bring forcibly deported children.

As representatives of organizations dedicated to protecting the rights of victims of armed aggression against Ukraine, we view the aggressor country’s decision to significantly and unjustifiably restrict entry for Ukrainian citizens from third countries as illegal. This decision appears to be aimed at further pressuring Ukrainians living under occupation and will have adverse effects on the residents of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine, as well as on the return of Ukrainian children forcibly displaced to those territories or deported to the Russian Federation.

The decision of the Latvian authorities to close the only land border checkpoint open to Ukrainian citizens will deteriorate the plight of Ukrainians affected by the full-scale war. Starting on October 16, Ukrainians can only enter the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine through Sheremetyevo Airport in Moscow, Russia. This poses challenges due to high airfares and the restrictions on flights to Russia because of the full-scale war against Ukraine. Additionally, such flights are complicated by strict documentary requirements that Ukrainian citizens may not always meet.

These limitations would not only infringe on the rights and freedoms of Ukrainian citizens but could also expedite the process of forced passportization, potentially leading to a social and humanitarian crisis.

We appeal to:

• The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to take all necessary diplomatic measures to communicate with the Latvian side regarding the adverse consequences of closing the border checkpoints in Pededze and Vientula. The aim is to ensure the rights of Ukrainian citizens to enter the Russian Federation and travel to the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine for humanitarian purposes;
• The Ukrainian Parliament Commissioner for Human Rights, requesting that they take all possible measures to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens facing entry restrictions into the Russian Federation and the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine. This should be done through negotiations and cooperation with national human rights institutions in the Russian Federation and Latvia, with the objective of resolving the situation and securing the entry of Ukrainian citizens into the Russian Federation and the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine.

We appeal to our international partners to assist in the unrestricted departure of Ukrainian citizens from the Russian Federation and their safe return to the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine for humanitarian reasons.

October 17, 2023

Human Rights Center ZMINA

CF “Right to Protection”

NGO “Civil holding “GROUP OF INFLUENCE”

NGO “Donbas SOS”

CO “CF “Stabilization Support Services”

CF “VOSTOK SOS”

NGO “Crimea SOS”

CF “Helping to Leave”

Ukrainian Legal Advisory Group

Center of civil education “Almenda”

Elections and full-scale war are incompatible. Holding elections during a full-scale war is extremely dangerous. It can lead to the loss of legitimacy for both the electoral process and elected bodies, potentially undermining the state as a whole. During a full-scale war, a state cannot guarantee an environment where electoral process participants can freely and fully express their views and will, where military and voters abroad can meaningfully participate, and where a competitive and vibrant political environment exists, especially against the backdrop of narrowing rights and freedoms under martial law.

Ukraine is a democratic state with a vibrant civil society that fought for its right to vote and to influence decision-making. Ukraine’s society has repeatedly demonstrated its ability to hold peaceful protests, oppose election fraudsters, and curb past oppressive governments’ attempts to build autocracy at home. We did so through the Orange Revolution (2004) and the Revolution of Dignity (2013-2014). After 2014, national elections in Ukraine were deemed democratic, free, and fair by domestic and international observation missions. It is the citizens of Ukraine that are the basis of its resistance to external threats and resistance to the full-scale Russian invasion.

Ukrainian society is sensitive to double standards. It has fought and is still fighting for its beliefs. The price of this struggle is the lives of both military and civilians. Lives that we lose every day. Without pauses or rest. Ukrainians cannot be accused of fear or unwillingness to take responsibility for the fate of their country. Therefore, our true partners must now hear the opinions of its citizens.

Elections cannot be held during war because:

• Elections alone do not equal democracy; voting for the sake of voting is not a measure of a nation’s democracy. If competitive political competition cannot be assured during war, then elections will certainly not be free. Elections are not just about a day of voting, instead, they involve loud and bitter arguments between different camps about the best program for a country’s development. Such conversations can be extremely heated and frank, but this is the only way to ensure a true democratic process. In Russia and Belarus, voting is formally taking place, and some operational exercises carried out by these two have even been called “elections” by international observation missions in the past, but there is no democracy there. This process of decay has been slow, yet its undeniable components are the absence of choices and the imitation of voting. Double standards and adjustable values in the way these regimes were viewed and approached have actually prompted them to act with impunity and ferocity. This is a lesson that we must learn.
• It is prohibited to hold elections under martial law. Article 83(4) of the Constitution of Ukraine explicitly bans the tenure termination for the Ukrainian members of parliament (MPs) while martial law is in effect and extends the Parliament’s authority until a new assembly is elected after the war. Our Constitution states: “In the event that the term of authority of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine expires while martial law or a state of emergency is in effect, its authority is extended until the day of the first meeting of the first session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, elected after the cancellation of martial law or of the state of emergency.” Moreover, our laws, which shall have full legitimacy and must be observed by all, and not selectively, explicitly prohibit holding any elections, including presidential ones, in wartime. Under our laws, all authorities have full authority and legitimacy to continue their work and be as united as possible in this difficult period for our nation. These legal principles fully align with principles followed by other democratic nations. Any amendments to legislation aimed at making wartime elections formally “legal” would contradict the spirit of the Constitution and international standards.
• Holding elections during war can undermine national unity. If elections are held during wartime, we can anticipate a massive disinformation campaign spread by Russians in Ukraine and around the world, calling into question the credibility of election administrators and contenders.  It would aim to delegitimize the process and its outcomes. Society would become split around the fact that real heroes are fighting and risking their lives in a time of war, while politicians are fighting one another in a cynical power struggle. Members of the military and volunteers would likely not be able to participate in the process as voters and candidates given that they are at the moment defending us. This might cause internal confrontations and disagreements. Ukrainian citizens living abroad may be unable to fully exercise their right to vote or stand in elections. This will detract from their ability to make a meaningful contribution to Ukraine’s post-war recovery and growth and can catalyze a split between those who are abroad and in Ukraine.
• Martial law, by design, restricts rights and freedoms, while elections require their expansion and protection. These two modes are incompatible. According to Article 64 of the Constitution of Ukraine, certain restrictions on rights and freedoms may be imposed under martial law, making it impossible to fully ensure freedom of speech and press during the war, a prerequisite for free and fair elections. In wartime, the entire system of state power, local self-government, and society should be focused on security and defense, and this requires resources: people, finances, and time for preparation. The main resource in war is the total mobilization of citizens and trust between the state and the public. The common interest is victory, and political battles should be postponed until peacetime. In times of war, the state and society have one priority – to survive and resist the inhumane Russian regime.
• Ukraine will face extreme security and operational challenges that cannot be addressed through any legislative amendments: destroyed infrastructure; the virtual impossibility of guaranteeing full security of all electoral process participants; the need to ensure the right to vote for more than seven million citizens displaced abroad and within the country and more than one million military personnel; complexity of involving the police, part of Ukraine’s Defense Forces, in safeguarding elections in wartime, to mention just a few. Since ~20% of our country’s territory is occupied or is a place of hostilities, another ~20% is within immediate reach of artillery, and with missiles and drones regularly launched throughout the country, this will create unprecedented and unjustified risks. Ukraine, a state where human life and health are defined as the highest social values, cannot risk the lives of millions of its citizens when Russia is deliberately launching missile attacks and brutally killing civilians across the country. A possible massive missile attack on the day of voting would make it impossible for citizens to access polling stations and ultimately disrupt the process. The inability to guarantee the final outcome of the elections is a convenient tool for political pressure by the aggressor state. We should also not forget about the inability of people with disabilities, including veterans who were disabled during the war, to cast their votes in conditions of this kind.
• Ukrainians support extending the term of office of elected authorities until the end of the war. A number of recent nationally representative surveys clearly indicate that the people of Ukraine support extending the term of the parliament, despite current dissatisfaction with this and other institutions, and support holding elections after the war ends.

Post-war elections in Ukraine will be costly due to the consequences of the Russian war. In wartime, however, such costs are unjustified and cynical, as Ukraine is still fighting for its existence and requires more weapons and ammunition, hospital equipment, and humanitarian aid.

No doubt, elections in Ukraine should take place – but only after the war is over and Ukraine has won, and security and other conditions are in place to organize such elections in a free, fair, democratic and accessible manner. Moreover, the presidential and parliamentary elections should be separated in time, otherwise we will not even have a formal system of checks and balances between the branches of government. Parliamentary elections should not become the appendix of a full-fledged presidential election process, while the election of the president should be a conscious vote.

In view of the above, to ensure genuine democracy in Ukraine further advanced, we call for:

• The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine – not to take such a dangerous and ill-advised step as holding elections during the war, but instead, to urgently launch full-fledged expert work on overcoming challenges of post-war elections; to develop the necessary draft laws in advance based on an inclusive process; and, to ensure the principle of legal certainty. In this way, Ukraine can reaffirm its deep commitment to democracy, including by resuming the broader electoral reform process that is currently on hold;
• Political parties – to work on democratization and development of their own organizations; not to polarize public sentiment for political purposes; and, to focus on reforms and strategies to restore post-war Ukraine as a democratic and developed modern state;
• Ukraine’s international partners – to increase comprehensive support in the military, humanitarian and economic sectors so that the war ends in the shortest possible time with Ukraine’s victory, thus enabling Ukraine to conduct truly democratic elections.

We invite everyone interested to publicly support this statement and stop manipulations around the topic of holding elections in Ukraine during the war.

To sign this statement, please fill out the form at the link: https://forms.gle/ifQ8yzz7pvvGEEro6

1. Громадянська мережа ОПОРА
2. Центр політико-правових реформ
3. ГО “Громадський холдинг “ГРУПА ВПЛИВУ”
4. Мережа захисту національних Інтересів “АНТС”
5. Transparency International Ukraine
6. Рух ЧЕСНО
7. ГО Fight For Right
8. Фундація DEJURE/DEJURE Foundation
9. Міжнародний фонд “Відродження”
10. Міжнародний Центр Української Перемоги (ICUV)
11. Центр протидії корупції
12. Лабораторія законодавчих ініціатив
13. ZMINA.Центр прав людини
14. ГО “Інтерньюз – Україна”
15. ГО Український центр європейської політики
16. ГО Центр спільних дій
17. Громадська Організація “КримСОС”
18. БФ “ВОСТОК SOS”
19. ГО «Жіночий ветеранський рух»
20. Київська школа Економіки / Kyiv School of Economics 
21. pro.mova
22. Громадська організація Всеукраїнська громадянська платформа “НОВА КРАЇНА”
23. Cedos
24. ГО “Медійна ініціатива за права людини”
25. ГО “Вокс Україна”
26. Громадська організація “Інтегріті ЮА”
27. ГО “Харківська правозахисна група”
28. Центр економічної стратегії
29. Київський Безпековий Форум
30. БО БФ Стабілізейшен Суппорт Сервісез
31. Школа політичної аналітики НаУКМА/ School for Policy Analysis, University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy 
32. ГО Країна вільної громади 
33. ГО “Інститут Американістики”
34. ГО Інститут економічних досліджень та політичних консультацій
35. Одеська обласна організація ВГО КВУ
36. Інститут трансформації Північної Євразії 
37. ГО МІНЗМІН
38. ІАЦ “Громадський Простір”
39. Громадська організація “Спільно HUB”
40. ГО “Подільська агенція регіонального розвитку”
41. ГО “Точка доступу”
42. ГО “ДІЙ-Краматорськ”
43. ГС “Національна Освітня Асоціація”
44. ГО “Інститут розвитку суспільних інновацій” (ГО “ІРСІ”)
45. Центр близькосхідних досліджень
46. Київський міський осередок ВГО “Громадянська мережа ОПОРА
47. Благодійний фонд “Бібліотечна країна”
48. Громадська організація “Центр соціальних трансформацій”
49. ГО “Історія України”
50. ГО “Центр публічних розслідувань”
51. ГО “Донбаська Ініціатива “Міст”
52. ГО “Євроатлантичний курс”
53. БО « БФ «Зроблена в Україні»
54. Громадська організація “Буковинський центр виборчих технологій”
55. Благодійний фонд “ЛАСКА”
56. Центр глобалістики «Стратегія ХХІ»
57. Львівська обласна організація Всеукраїнської громадської організації “Громадянська мережа “ОПОРА”
58. Асоціація енергоефективні міста України
59. Інститут Інноваційного Врядування
60. Міждисциплінарний науково-освітній центр протидії корупції (ACREC)
61. ГО “Український центр суспільних даних”
62. Благодійний фонд Дігнітас 
63. Gender Stream
64. ГО Зарваницька громадська ініціатива
65. ГО “Звенигородщина активна!”
66. ГО “Жіночий Антикорупційний Рух” 
67. «ПіПл-Дій» Ювеліри
68. ГО “Вище”
69. ГО Соціальний Капітал
70. ГО UkraineNow.ch
71. ГО Білозерський центр регіонального розвитку
72. ГО “Український світ”
73. ГО «Всеукраїнське обʼєднання «Патріот» 
74. Конференція Українських Пластових Організацій
75. ГО “УФРА”
76. Громадська організація “Кримський центр ділового та культурного співробітництва “Український дім”
77. ГО “Поряд з вами”
78. Українська фундація правової допомоги
79. ГО “Центр соціально-психологічної адаптації та юридичної підтримки”
80. ГО “Батьки в дії”
81. БО БФ “ФСІ “З країни в Україну”
82. ГО “Березнівська БРАМА”
83. Українська асоціація дослідників освіти
84. PERFECT ART GROUP NGO
85. CULTURAL ASSEMBLY NGO
86. Громадська організація “БСД”
87. ГО Народний Захист
88. ГО “На межі”
89. ГО “Нуль відходів Львів”
90. Громадська спілка UCMA
91. ГО ” Без Меж Плюс”
92. ГО “Буслав Січ” (м.Богуслав, Київська область)
93. ГО Інформаційно-освітній простір “ІНФОХАБ”
94. ГО “Країна рівності та правди”
95. Рівненська обласна організація Всеукраїнської громадської організації “Громадянська мережа “ОПОРА”
96. ГО “Спільно для дії”
97. БФ Західна фортеця
98. ВОГО Вінницький прес клуб
99. Незалежний антикорупційний центр NGL.media
100. Господарська некомерційна асоціація власників житла недержавних форм власності – Фонд “Сприяння”
101. ГО “Допомагай Сьогодні”
102. Київська школа енергетичної політики

We, representatives of Ukrainian NGOs, appeal to the international community in connection with the abductions and executions of Ukrainian activists, human rights defenders, volunteers, journalists, representatives of local self-government bodies living in the Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, Kyiv, Luhansk, and Kherson regions partially occupied by the Russian army.

On February 24, 2022, the full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine began. This has already resulted in thousands of civilian casualties, massive internal displacement, and departure of millions of Ukrainians abroad. As a result of hostilities, part of the populated localities of the south and east of Ukraine came under the temporary control of the troops of the Russian Federation. In these areas, the occupying forces seek to establish control, and thus take measures to intimidate the local population.

Over the past week, we have been documenting “arrests” and, in fact, abductions of Ukrainian activists, volunteers, journalists, and representatives of local self-government bodies in Hostomel, Kherson, Berdyansk, Melitopol, Volnovakha, Nova Kakhovka, and other Russian-occupied populated localities. There are also known cases of murders of Ukrainian activists.

On March 7, it became known that the Russian military shot dead Yuriy Prylypko, mayor of Hostomel town (Kyiv region), and two volunteers, Ruslan Karpenko and Ivan Zorya, while they were giving out humanitarian aid to people.

At least six people have been abducted in Melitopol, Zaporizhzhia region, including Mayor Ivan Fedorov on March 11, activist Olha Haisumova on March 12, and chairman of the district council Serhiy Pryima on March 13.

Activist Serhiy Tsyhipa went missing in Nova Kakhovka (Kherson region) on March 12, and local journalist Oleh Baturin disappeared in neighboring Kakhovka on the evening of the same day.

It became known about the abduction of Mayor Yevheniy Matveyev in the town of Dniprorudne (Zaporizhzhia region) on March 13.

The contact with them was lost, but there is credible evidence that they were detained by the Russian military. There are well-founded suspicions that abducted activists and local government officials are being subjected to intimidation and torture.

In addition, according to MP Dmytro Lubinets, Russian military “arrested” more than 20 Ukrainian activists in Volnovakha. Moreover, according to him, all these activists were on the lists covered by numerous Western media in February – the lists of activists to be “killed or sent to camps” after the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

On March 13, it became known about the murder of a volunteer, Ukrainian activist Oleksandr Kononov, who was shot dead by Russian military in his own house in the village of Borivske near Severodonetsk, the Luhansk region. In 2014, Oleksandr Kononov spent 98 days in captivity of the so-called “LPR” militants. He was a person with disabilities, he had one arm and one leg.

Such actions of the Russian army, which temporarily controls certain populated localities in the north, south, and east of Ukraine, show a desire to intimidate local residents who resist the occupation, persuade them to cooperate, and the intention to take revenge on Ukrainian activists, human rights activistsб and local leaders for their pro-Ukrainian stance.

Disregard and passive reaction of the international community to the manifestations of Russian aggression will lead to a scale of human rights violations, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, including an increase in enforced disappearances and killings. In addition, citizens of other countries, including Belarusian activists, foreign journalists, and other persons legally staying in Ukraine, will also be at risk.

We demand that, in particular, International Committee of the Red Cross, UN Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Council of Europe Steering Committee on Media and Information Society, PACE Committee on Legal Affairs and Human Rights, PACE Chief Rapporteur on Situation of Human Rights Defenders, representatives of the EU, European External Action Service, OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, within the framework of all possible powers and mandates from the international community, should:

1. Take actions to protect Ukrainian civilians who are at additional risk in connection with their public, volunteer, civic activities, work in local self-government bodies or governmet agencies
2. Force the Russian Federation to comply with the provisions of Convention (IV) relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Additional Protocol (I) to the Geneva Conventions, Hague Convention (IV) respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land and its annex, and to end human rights violations
3. Call on the Russian Federation to immediately release all illegally detained persons in the territories of Ukraine temporarily occupied by the Russian army, including activists, journalists, and representatives of local self-government bodies
4. Disseminate information about the abduction, intimidation, and forced detention of civilians by the Russian army, including activists, journalists, and representatives of local self-government bodies of Ukraine

Signatories

ZMINA Human Rights Center

NGO “GROUP OF INFLUENCE”

Vostok SOS Charity Foundation

Charity Foundation Stabilization Support Services

NGO “Donbas SOS”

NGO “CrimeaSOS”

Crimean Human Rights Group

Center for Civil Liberties

Ukrainian Legal Aid Foundation

NGO “Human Rights Platform”

All-Ukrainian Charitable Foundation “The Right to Protection”

Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union

Directors Guild of Ukraine

National Union of Journalists of Ukraine

NGO “SIMP”

NGO “ORGANIZATION OF IDPS NECESSARY PEOPLE”

Charitable Foundation “MEETING THE PEOPLE OF SUMY REGION”

NGO “AGRU”

NGO “Human Rights Center “ACTION”

NGO “MART”

CHESNO movement

NGO “Civic Network “OPORA”

NGO Kremenchuk Information and Education Center “European Club”

NGO “Information Press Center”

NGO “Media Center IPC -Kherson”

NGO “Tochka Dostupu”

NGO “Volyn Institute of Law”

Volyn Institute of Support and Community Initiatives Development

NGO “Association for Support and Development of Association of Co-Owners of Apartment Buildings and Bodies of Self-Organization of Population”

Charity Foundation “Social Innovation Foundation”

NGO “Volyn Chamber of Young Entrepreneurs and Professionals”

Association “Public Initiatives of Ukraine”

NGO “Our Podillya”

NGO “Center of Joint Action”

NGO “Egida – Center” (Kryvyi Rih)

NGO “Time to Gather Ukrainians”, Mykolaiv

NGO “Sosnytsia Horizons”, Sosnytsia urban-type settlement

Educational Human Rights House Chernihiv

Charity Foundation LASKA, Mykolaiv

Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group

NGO Spilno HUB (Zaporizhzhia)

NGO Donbas Initiative Mist

ISAR Ednannia

Association of Relatives of Political Prisoners of the Kremlin

International Non-Governmental Organization “Foundation for Research and Support of Indigenous Peoples of Crimea”

Civil Movement “Vira, Nadiia, Liubov”

International Charitable Foundation “AIDS Foundation East-West” (AFEW-Ukraine)

NGO “Regional Center for Human Rights”

NGO “Human Rights Vector”

NGO “Ukraine without Torture”

NGO “Blue Bird”

NGO Center “Women’s Perspectives”

NGO “Theater of Change”

All-Ukrainian Association of Local Self-Government Bodies “Association of Ukrainian Cities”

Media Club of Zaporizhzhia Region (Prymorsk, Zaporizhzhia, Melitopol)

Roma radio Chiriklo (Ukraine)

Human Rights House Crimea

GO “INVISIBLE”

Media Initiative for Human Rights

NGO “Crimean Tatar Resource Center”

NGO “Cherkasy Human Rights Center”

NGO Human Rights Association “Right Cause”

Initiative “Who ordered Katia Handziuk?”

All-Ukrainian NGO Human Rights Defender

Charity Association “Another”

Open Dialogue Foundation

NGO “Social Action Centre”

NGO “Institute of Mass Information”

Center for Social Initiatives ATOM

NGO “Zakarpattia-Donbas”

Zakarpattia Region Resource Center

NGO “Kolping’s Case in Ukraine”

NGO Center for Support of Civic and Cultural Initiatives “Tamarisk”

NGO “From Dream to Action”

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